Afrikaans phonology
Afrikaans has a similar phonology to other West Germanic languages, especially Dutch.
Vowels
Afrikaans has an extensive vowel inventory consisting of 17 vowel phonemes, among which there are 10 monophthongs and 7 diphthongs. There are also 7 marginal monophthongs.
Monophthongs
Front | Central | Back | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
unrounded | rounded | unrounded | rounded | ||||||
short | long | short | short | long | short | long | short | long | |
Close | i | (iː) | y | ə | (əː) | u | (uː) | ||
Mid | ɛ | ɛː | œ | (œː) | ɔ | (ɔː) | |||
Open | (æ) | (æː) | ɐ | ɑː |
Close and mid
- As phonemes, /iː/ and /uː/ occur only in the words spieël /spiːl/ 'mirror' and koeël /kuːl/ 'bullet', which used to be pronounced with sequences /i.ə/ and /u.ə/ respectively. In other cases, [iː] and [uː] occur as allophones of /i/ and /u/ respectively before /r/.[2]
- /y/ tends to be merged with /i/ into [i].[3]
- Like /i/ and /u/, /y/ is phonetically long [yː] before /r/.[4]
- When stressed, /ə/ is closer than mid: [ɨ̞] and so Donaldson (1993) transcribes it as /ɪ̈/. Many scholars however, simply use /ə/,[5] which is the transcription that is used in this article.
- In some words such as vanaand /fəˈnɑːnt/ 'this evening', unstressed ⟨a⟩ is actually a schwa /ə/, not /ɐ/.[5]
- /əː/ is always stressed and so is [ɨ̞ː] phonetically (the reason for which Donaldson (1993) transcribes it as /ɪ̈ː/). It occurs only in the word wîe 'wedges', which is realized as either [ˈvəːə] or [ˈvəːɦə] (with a weak [ɦ]).[6]
- /u/ is weakly rounded and could be more narrowly transcribed as [u̜] or [ɯ̹]. Thus, it is sometimes transcribed /ɯ/.[3]
- /ɛ/ contrasts with /ɛː/ only in the minimal pair pers /pɛrs/ 'press' – pers /pɛːrs/ 'purple'.[7]
- Before the sequences /rt, rd, rs/, the /ɛ–ɛː/ and /ɔ–ɔː/ contrasts are neutralized in favour of the long variants /ɛː/ and /ɔː/, respectively.[8]
- The closest unrounded counterparts of /œ, œː/ are central /ə, əː/, rather than front /ɛ, ɛː/.[9]
- /œː, ɔː/ occur only in a few words.[8]
Open
- As a phoneme, /æ/ occurs only in some loanwords from English, such as pêl /pæl/ 'pal', as well as in some words such as vertrek /fərˈtræk/ 'departure'. As an allophone of /ɛ/ before /k, χ, l, r/, [æ] occurs dialectally, most commonly in the former Transvaal and Free State provinces.[11]
- As a phoneme, /æː/ occurs only in some loanwords from English (such as grênd [græːnt] 'grand'), as well as before /k/ in some words. [æː] also occurs as an allophone of /ɛː/ before /r/ and the sequences /rs, rt, rd/.[11]
- /ɐ, ɑː/ are sometimes transcribed with simpler symbols /a, aː/,[12] but the actual phonetic realisation of the phonemes is, respectively, [ɐ] and [ɑː].[13][14]
- In the former Transvaal province, /ɑː/ is realized as rounded [ɒː]. Very rarely, it is also raised to [ɔː].[15]
- In some words, such as hamer, short /ɐ/ is in free variation with long /ɑː/ despite the fact that the spelling suggests the latter. In some words, such as laat, the pronunciation with short /ɐ/ occurs only in colloquial language. In some other words, such as aambeeld /ˈɐmbeəlt/ 'anvil', the pronunciation with short /ɐ/ is already a part of the standard language.[16] The shortening of /ɑː/ has been noted as early as 1927.[17]
- The orthographic sequence ⟨ae⟩ can be pronounced as either [ɑː] or [ɑːɦə] (with a weak [ɦ]).[16]
Short | Long | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Phoneme | IPA | Orthography | Gloss | Phoneme | IPA | Orthography | Gloss |
/i/ | /dif/ | dief | 'thief' | /iː/ | /spiːl/ | spieël | 'mirror' |
/y/ | /ˈsykis/ | suutjies | 'quietly' | ||||
/u/ | /buk/ | boek | 'book' | /uː/ | /kuːl/ | koeël | 'bullet' |
/ɛ/ | /bɛt/ | bed | 'bed' | /ɛː/ | /sɛː/ | sê | 'say' |
/ə/ | kənt | kind | 'child' | /əː/ | /ˈvəːə/ | wîe | 'wedges' |
/œ/ | /kœs/ | kus | 'kiss' | /œː/ | /rœː/ | rûe | 'backs' |
/ɔ/ | /bɔk/ | bok | 'goat' | /ɔː/ | /sɔː/ | sôe | 'sows' |
/æ/ | /pæl/ | pêl | 'pal' | /æː/ | /fərˈtræk/ | vertrek | 'departure' |
/ɐ/ | /kɐt/ | kat | 'cat' | /ɑː/ | /kɑːrt/ | kaart | 'map' |
Nasalized vowels
In some instances of the postvocalic sequence /ns/, /n/ is realized as nasalisation (and lengthening, if the vowel is short) of the preceding monophthong, which is stronger in some speakers than others, but there also are speakers retaining [n] as well as the original length of the preceding vowel.[18]
- The sequence /ɐns/ in words such as dans is realised as [ɐ̃ːs]. In monosyllabic words, that is the norm.[7]
- The sequence /ɑːns/ in more common words (such as Afrikaans) is realized as either [ɑ̃ːs] or [ɑːns]. In less common words (such as Italiaans), [ɑːns] is the usual pronunciation.[7]
- The sequence /ɛns/ in words such as mens is realized as [ɛ̃ːs].[7]
- The sequence /œns/ in words such as guns is realised more often as [œns] than as [œ̃ːs].[3] For speakers with the /œ–ə/ merger, these transcriptions are to be read as [ɨ̞ns] and [ɨ̞̃ːs], respectively.
- The sequence /ɔns/ in words such as spons is realised as [ɔ̃ːs].[3]
Collins & Mees (2003) analyze the pre-/s/ sequences /ɐn, ɛn, ɔn/ as phonemic short vowels /ɑ̃, ɛ̃, ɔ̃/ and note that this process of nasalising the vowel and deleting the nasal occurs in many dialects of Dutch as well, such as the The Hague dialect.[19]
Diphthongs
Starting point | Ending point | |||
---|---|---|---|---|
Front | Central | Back | ||
Mid | unrounded | eø, əi | eə | |
rounded | œi, ɔi | oə | œu | |
Open | unrounded | ɐi |
/eø, eə, oə/
- Some sources prescribe monophthongal [øː, eː, oː] realizations of these; that is at least partially outdated:[21][22]
- There is not a complete agreement about the realisation of /eø/:
- According to Lass (1987), it is realised as either rising [ë̯ø] or falling [ëø̯], with the former being more common. The unrounded onset is a rather recent development and is not described by older sources. The monophthongal realisation [øː] is virtually nonexistent.[23]
- According to Donaldson (1993), it is realised as [øə]. Its onset is sometimes unrounded, which can cause it to merge with /eə/.[24]
- There is not a complete agreement about the realisation of /eə, oə/
- According to Lass (1987), they may be realised in four ways:
- Falling diphthongs. Their first element may be short [ëə̯, öə̯] or somewhat lengthened [ëˑə̯, öˑə̯].[21]
- Rising diphthongs [ë̯ə, ö̯ə]. These variants do not seem to appear word-finally. The sequence /ɦoə/ is commonly realised as [ɦö̯ə] or, more often, [ö̯̤ə̤], with /ɦ/ realised as breathy voice on the diphthong.[21]
- Indeterminate diphthongs [ëə, öə], which may occur in all environments.[21]
- Monophthongs, either short [ë, ö] or somewhat lengthened [ëˑ, öˑ]. The monophthongal realisations occur in less stressed words as well as in stressed syllables in words that have more than one syllable. In the latter case, they are in free variation with all of the three diphthongal realisations. In case of /oə/, the monophthongal [ö] also appears in unstressed word-final syllables.[21]
- According to De Villiers (1976), the onsets of [eə, oə] are somewhat closer to cardinal [i, u] than cardinal [e, o], that is near-close [ɪə, ʊə].[25]
- According to Donaldson (1993), they are realized as either [eə, oə] or [iə, uə].[22]
- According to Lass (1987), they may be realised in four ways:
- There is not a complete agreement about the realisation of /eø/:
- /eə/ also occurs in words spelled with ⟨eë⟩, like reël /ˈreəl/ 'rule'. Historically, these were pronounced with a disyllabic sequence /eː.ə/ and so reël used to be pronounced /ˈreː.əl/.[22]
- There is not a complete agreement about the dialectal realisation of /eə, oə/ in the Boland area:
- According to Lass (1987), they are centralized close-mid monophthongs [ë, ö], which do not merge with /i/ and /u/.[26]
- According to Donaldson (1993) and De Villiers,[27] they are close monophthongs, long [iː, uː] according to Donaldson (1993), short [i, u] according to De Villiers.[22][27]
Other diphthongs
- The scholar Daan Wissing argues that /əi/ is not a phonetically correct transcription and that /æɛ/ is more accurate. In his analysis, he found that [æɛ] makes for 65% of the realisations, the other 35% being monophthongal, [ə], [æ] and [ɛ].[28]
- Most often, /œi/ has an unrounded offset. For some speakers, the onset is also unrounded. That can cause /œi/ to merge with /əi/, which is considered non-standard.[29]
- /ɔi, ɐi/ occur mainly in loanwords.[29]
- Older sources describe /œu/ as a narrow back diphthong [ou].[30][31] However, newer sources describe its onset as more front. For example, Lass (1984), states that the onset of /œu/ is central [ɵu].[32]
- In some words, which, in English, are pronounced with /əʊ/, the Afrikaans equivalent tends to be pronounced with /œu/, rather than /oə/. That happens because Afrikaans /œu/ is more similar to the usual South African realization of English /əʊ/.[30]
Phoneme | IPA | Orthography | Gloss |
---|---|---|---|
/eø/ | /seøn/ | seun | 'son' |
/əi/ | /ɦəi/ | hy | 'he' |
/eə/ | /veət/ | weet | 'to know' |
/œi/ | /ɦœis/ | huis | 'house' |
/ɔi/ | /ˈχɔiəŋ/ | goiing | 'burlap' |
/oə/ | /broət/ | brood | 'bread' |
/œu/ | /kœut/ | koud | 'cold' |
/ɐi/ | /ˈbɐiə/ | baie | 'many' |
Long diphthongs
The long diphthongs (or 'double vowels') are phonemically sequences of a free vowel and a non-syllabic equivalent of /i/ or /u/: [iu, ui, oːi, eu, ɑːi]. Both [iu] and [eu] tend to be pronounced as [iu], but they are spelled differently: the former as ⟨ieu⟩, the latter as ⟨eeu⟩.[33]
'False' diphthongs
In diminutives of monosyllabic nouns ending in /ki/, the vowels /u, eə, oə, ɛ, ə, œ, ɔ, ɐ, ɑː/ are realised as closing diphthongs [ui, ei, oi, ɛi, əi, œi, ɔi, ɐi, ɑːi]. In the same environment, the sequences /ɐn, ɛn, ən, œn, ɔn/ are realized as [ɐiɲ, ɛiɲ, əiɲ, ɔiɲ, œiɲ], i.e. as closing diphthongs followed by palatal nasal.[34]
- The suffixes ⟨-aad⟩ and ⟨-aat⟩ (phonemically /ɑːd/ and /ɑːt/, respectively) and the diminutive suffix /ki/ are realised as [ɑːci] (with a monophthong), rather than [ɑːici].[29]
- In practice, the diphthong [əi] is realised the same as the phonemic diphthong /əi/.[35]
- [œi], when it has arisen from diphthongisation of [œ], differs from the phonemic diphthong /œi/ by having a slightly different onset, although the exact nature of that difference is unclear. This means that puntjie 'point' sounds somewhat different than puintjie 'rubble'.[35]
Consonants
Labial | Alveolar | Dorsal | Post- alveolar |
Glottal | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Nasal | m | n | ŋ | |||
Plosive | voiceless | p | t | k | t͡ʃ | |
voiced | b | d | (ɡ) | (d͡ʒ) | ||
Fricative | voiceless | f | s | χ | ʃ | |
voiced | v | (z) | ʒ | f | ||
Approximant | l | j | ||||
Rhotic | r |
Obstruents
- All obstruents at the ends of words are devoiced so that, for instance, a final /d/ is realised as [t].[36]
- /p, b/ are bilabial, whereas /f, v/ are labiodental.
- /p, t, k, tʃ/ are unaspirated.[39]
- /k/ may be somewhat more front before front vowels; the fronted allophone of /k/ also occurs in diminutives ending in -djie and -tjie.[40]
- /dʒ, z/ occur only in loanwords.
- /χ/ is most often uvular, either a fricative, [χ] or a voiceless trill [ʀ̥], the latter especially in initial position before a stressed vowel.[38][41][42] The uvular fricative is also used by many speakers of White South African English as a realisation of the marginal English phoneme /x/.[42] In Afrikaans, velar [x] may be used in a few "hyper-posh" varieties, and it may also, rarely, occur as an allophone before front vowels in speakers with otherwise uvular [χ].[41]
- /ɡ/ occurs only in loanwords. In some environments, [ɡ] is an allophone of /χ/.[43]
Sonorants
- /m/ is bilabial.
- /n/ merges with /m/ before labial consonants. Phonetically, this merged consonant is realized as bilabial [m] before /p, b/, and labiodental [ɱ] before /f, v/.
- /l/ is velarised [ɫ] in all positions, especially noticeably non-prevocalically.[23][40]
- /r/ is usually an alveolar trill [r] or tap [ɾ].[23] In some parts of the former Cape Province, it is realised uvularly, either as a trill [ʀ] or a fricative [ʁ].[40] The uvular trill may also be pronounced as a tap [ʀ̆].
Voiceless | Voiced | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Phoneme | Example | Phoneme | Example | ||||
IPA | IPA | Orthography | Gloss | IPA | IPA | Orthography | Gloss |
/m/ | /mɐn/ | man | 'man' | ||||
/n/ | /noːi/ | nooi | 'invite' | ||||
/ŋ/ | /səŋ/ | sing | 'to sing' | ||||
/p/ | /pɔt/ | pot | 'pot' | /b/ | /bɛt/ | bed | 'bed' |
/t/ | /ˈtɑːfəl/ | tafel | 'table' | /d/ | /dɐk/ | dak | 'roof' |
/k/ | /kɐt/ | kat | 'cat' | /ɡ/ | /ˈsɔrɡə/ | sorge | 'cares' |
/tʃ/ | /ˈtʃɛχis/ | Tsjeggies | 'Czech' | /dʒ/ | /ˈbɐdʒi/ | budjie | 'budgerigar' |
/ɦ/ | /fits/ | fiets | 'bicycle' | /v/ | /ˈvɑːtər/ | water | 'water' |
/s/ | /seøn/ | seun | 'son' | /z/ | /ˈzulu/ | Zoeloe | 'Zulu' |
/χ/ | /χut/ | goed | 'good' | ||||
/ʃ/ | /ˈʃinɐ/ | Sjina | 'China' | /ʒ/ | /viʒyˈeəl/ | visueel | 'visually' |
/ɦ/ | /ɦœis/ | huis | 'house' | ||||
/l/ | /lif/ | lief | 'dear' | ||||
/j/ | /ˈjiːsœs/ | Jesus | 'Jesus' | ||||
/r/ | /roːi/ | rooi | 'red' |
See also
References
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 2–7.
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 4–6.
- 1 2 3 4 5 Donaldson (1993), p. 5.
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 5–6.
- 1 2 Donaldson (1993), pp. 4, 6.
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 4, 6–7.
- 1 2 3 4 Donaldson (1993), p. 3.
- 1 2 3 Donaldson (1993), p. 7.
- ↑ Swanepoel (1927), p. 38.
- ↑ Swanepoel (1927), p. 39.
- 1 2 Donaldson (1993), pp. 3, 7.
- ↑ For example by Donaldson (1993).
- ↑ Lass (1984), pp. 76, 93–94, 105.
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 7, 18.
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 6–7.
- 1 2 Donaldson (1993), p. 6.
- ↑ Swanepoel (1927), p. 22.
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 3, 5.
- ↑ Collins & Mees (2003), p. 71.
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 2, 8–10.
- 1 2 3 4 5 6 Lass (1987), pp. 117–119.
- 1 2 3 4 Donaldson (1993), p. 8.
- 1 2 3 Lass (1987), p. 117.
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 8–9.
- ↑ De Villiers (1976), pp. 56–57.
- ↑ Lass (1987), p. 118.
- 1 2 Cited in Lass (1987:117–118). The preview on Google Books makes it unclear whether De Villiers' book is "Afrikaanse klankleer. Fonetiek, fonologie en woordbou" or "Nederlands en Afrikaans", as both are cited at the end of Lass's chapter.
- ↑ Wissing (2009), p. 333.
- 1 2 3 Donaldson (1993), p. 10.
- 1 2 Donaldson (1993), p. 9.
- ↑ Swanepoel (1927), p. 44.
- ↑ Lass (1984), p. 102.
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), p. 12.
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 10–11.
- 1 2 Donaldson (1993), p. 11.
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 13–15.
- ↑ For example Den Besten (2012).
- 1 2 Den Besten (2012).
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 14–16.
- 1 2 3 Donaldson (1993), p. 15.
- 1 2 "John Wells's phonetic blog: velar or uvular?". 5 December 2011. Retrieved 12 February 2015. Only this source mentions the trilled realization.
- 1 2 Bowerman (2004:939): "White South African English is one of very few varieties to have a velar fricative phoneme /x/ (see Lass (2002:120)), but this is only in words borrowed from Afrikaans (...) and Khoisan (...). Many speakers use the Afrikaans uvular fricative [χ] rather than the velar."
- ↑ Donaldson (1993), pp. 13–14.
Bibliography
- Bowerman, Sean (2004), "White South African English: phonology", in Schneider, Edgar W.; Burridge, Kate; Kortmann, Bernd; Mesthrie, Rajend; Upton, Clive, A handbook of varieties of English, 1: Phonology, Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 931–942, ISBN 3-11-017532-0
- Collins, Beverley; Mees, Inger M. (2003), The Phonetics of English and Dutch, Fifth Revised Edition (PDF), ISBN 9004103406
- Den Besten, Hans (2012), "Speculations of [χ]-elision and intersonorantic [ʋ] in Afrikaans", in van der Wouden, Ton, Roots of Afrikaans: Selected Writings of Hans Den Besten, John Benjamins Publishing Company, pp. 79–93, ISBN 978-90-272-5267-8
- De Villiers, Meyer (1976), Afrikaanse klankleer: fonetiek, fonologie en woordbou, Balkema
- Donaldson, Bruce C. (1993), "1. Pronunciation", A Grammar of Afrikaans, Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 1–35, ISBN 9783110134261
- Lass, Roger (1984), "Vowel System Universals and Typology: Prologue to Theory", Phonology Yearbook, Cambridge University Press, 1: 75–111, doi:10.1017/S0952675700000300, JSTOR 4615383
- Lass, Roger (1987), "Intradiphthongal Dependencies", in Anderson, John; Durand, Jaques, Explorations in Dependency Phonology, Dordrecht: Foris Publications Holland, pp. 109–131, ISBN 9067652970
- Lass, Roger (2002), "South African English", in Mesthrie, Rajend, Language in South Africa, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 9780521791052
- Swanepoel, J.F. (1927), The sounds of Afrikaans. Their Dialectic Variations and the Difficulties They Present to an Englishman (PDF), Longmans, Green & Co
- Wissing, Daan (2009) [2005], "Die Afrikaanse diftong /E+/: 'n Eksperimentele ondersoek", Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies, Taylor & Francis Group, 23 (3): 319–334, doi:10.2989/16073610509486393
Further reading
- Canepari, Luciano; Cerini, Marco (2013), Dutch & Afrikaans Pronunciation & Accents (1st ed.), Rome: Aracne, ISBN 978-8854867307
- Combrink, J.G.H.; De Stadler, L.G. (1987), Afrikaanse Fonologie, Johannesburg: Macmillan South Africa
- Debaene, Mathijs (2014), The close front vowels of Northern Standard Dutch, Southern Standard Dutch and Afrikaans: A descriptive, comparative and methodological inquiry (PDF), Ghent: University of Ghent Faculty of Arts and Philosophy
- De Villiers, Meyer (1979), Nederlands en Afrikaans, Goodwood: NASOU Beperk
- Le Roux, Thomas Hugo; de Villiers Pienaar, Pierre (1928), Afrikaanse Fonetiek, Cape Town
- Le Roux, Thomas Hugo; de Villiers Pienaar, Pierre (1950), Uitspraakwoordeboek van Afrikaans, J.L. van Schaik, ISBN 978-8716066497
- Odendal, F. (1989), "Afrikaanse fonetiek", in Botha, T.J.R., Language in South Africa, Pretoria and Cape Town: Academica, ISBN 9780868743516
- Prinsloo, Claude Pierre (2000), A comparative acoustic analysis of the long vowels and diphthongs of Afrikaans and South African English (PDF), Pretoria: University of Pretoria
- van der Merwe, A.; Groenewald, E.; van Aardt, D.; Tesner, H. E.C.; Grimbeek, R. J. (2012) [1993], "The formant patterns of Afrikaans vowels as produced by male speakers", South African Journal of Linguistics, Taylor & Francis Group, 11 (2): 71–79, doi:10.1080/10118063.1993.9723910
- van Wyk, E. B.; Odendal, F. F.; Nkatini, N. L. (2012) [1988], "Comparison between the phonetic systems of Afrikaans and Tsonga", South African Journal of Linguistics, Taylor & Francis Group, 7 (1): 38–45, doi:10.1080/10118063.1989.9723787
- Wilson, James Lawrence (1965), The Phonology of Afrikaans with Some Remarks on Contrasts with Standard Dutch Phonology, Indiana University
- Wissing, Daan (1982), Algemene en Afrikaanse Generatiewe Fonologie, Macmillan South Africa, ISBN 9780869541098
- Wissing, Daan; Martens, J.P.; Goedertier, W.; Janke, U. (2004), Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Language Resources and Evaluation: A spoken Afrikaans language resource designed for research on pronunciation variations, Lisbon
- Wissing, Daan (2012), "Akoestiese analise van die vokale van 'n groep bejaarde Afrikaanse vroue", LitNet Akademies, 9, ISSN 1995-5928